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I shall therefore say that, where only a single subject (such and such an individual) is concerned, the existence of the ideas of his belief is material in that his ideas are his material actions inserted into material practices governed by material rituals which are themselves defined by the material ideological apparatus from which derive the ideas of that subject. A technique (the method of the cure) that gives rise to an abstract exposition with the appearance of a theory. by ideology (whose concrete forms are realized in the Ideological State Apparatuses). [16] It is indeed a peculiarity of ideology that it imposes (without appearing to do so, since these are 'obviousnesses') obviousnesses as obviousnesses, which we cannot fail to recognize and before which we have the inevitable and natural reaction of crying out (aloud or in the 'still, small voice of conscience'): 'That's obvious! do not 'correspond to reality'. 3.   psychologist and the philosopher. In this preface, I am therefore obliged to take conjointly into account: of the Law of Culture: this discourse, the absolute precondition of any discourse, this discourse present at the top, i.e. As Lacan thinks them in Freud -- and Lacan thinks nothing but Freud's concepts, giving them the form of our scientificity, the only scientificity there can be -- the 'abstractions' of psycho-analysis are really the authentic scientific concepts of their object, insofar as, as concepts of their object, they contain within them the index, measure and basis for the necessity of their abstraction, i.e., the measure of their relation to the 'concrete', and hence of their specific relation to the concrete of their application, commonly called analytic practice (the cure). The Marxist tradition is strict, here: in the Communist Manifesto and the Eighteenth Brumaire (and in all the later classical texts, above all in Marx's writings on the Paris Commune and Lenin's on State and Revolution ), the State is explicitly conceived as a repressive apparatus. 6.

Marx opened up a third continent to scientific knowledge: the continent of History. Thus the object of the metaphor of the edifice is to represent above all the 'determination in the last instance' by the economic base. The article will also give you a first idea of the relationship between art and knowledge. The domain of the State escapes it because the latter is 'above the law': the State, which is the State of the ruling class, is neither public nor private; on the contrary, it is the precondition for any distinction between public and private. This history can be read profitably in all the great philosophers, even the idealist ones -- and in the one who sums up the whole history of philosophy, Hegel. it can be inserted into the system of relations which constitute the ideological, which reflects in an imaginary relationship the relations that 'men' (i.e. The materialist exalts the knowledge of matter, of nature, consigning God, and the philosophical rabble that defends God, to the rubbish heap (op. Since art in fact provides us with something else other than science, there is not an opposition between them, but a difference.   Jean Hyppolite decisively proved that Hegel's conception of history had absolutely nothing to do with any declaring an exigency 'indispensable' which consists precisely of dispensing with it, dispensing with a careful consideration of all its implications and consequences -- by the acknowledgement accorded it in order to move quickly on to 'something else'. page 230 He thus interrelates the materialist theses required to think the specificity of scientific knowledge with the spontaneous materialist tendency of the practitioners of the sciences: as expressing both practically and theoretically one and the same materialist thesis of existence and objectivity. From Politzer, who talks of 'drama' to Freud and Lacan who speak of theatre, stage, mise en scène, machinery, theatrical genre, metteur en scène, etc., there is all the distance between the spectator who takes himself for the theatre -- and the theatre itself. Freud and Lacan   I only need one example and proof of this: Lenin's anguished concern to revolutionize the educational Ideological State Apparatus (among others), simply to make it possible for the Soviet proletariat, who had seized State power, to secure the future of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the transition to socialism. O N  I D E O L O G Y This silence was only broken publicly by what had all the appearances of an unforeseen accident: a precipitate intervention by Engels, forced to do ideological battle with Dühring, constrained to follow him onto his own 'territory' in order to deal with the political consequences of the 'philosophical' writings of a blind teacher of mathematics who was beginning to exercise a dangerous influence over German socialism.

Thus the subjectivity of creation is no more than the mirror reflection (and this reflection is aesthetic ideology itself) of the subjectivity of consumption: the 'work' is no more than the phenomenon of the artist's subjectivity, whether this subjectivity is psychological or transcendental-aesthetic. What are we to understand by this formula, at first sight so enigmatic? Of course, it cannot be said that, if academic philosophy has ever read him, Lenin did not more than repay it in kind, 'leaving it the change'! This is surely strange, i.e. 2. In my opinion, this is Planchon's error in his staging of Molière's George Dandin, at least as I saw it at Avignon in July 1966: it is not possible to stage social classes in person in a text which only deals with certain of their 'structural effects'. B I B L I O G R A P H I C A L  S T U D Y  N O T E : the regime of parliamentary democracy combining universal suffrage and party struggle. The famous Preface is unfortunately deeply marked by a Hegelian-evolutionist conception which disappears 99 per cent in Capital and completely in Marx's later texts. the seizure and conservation of State power by a certain class or by an alliance between classes or class fractions. ), we admit that the ideology we are discussing from a critical point of view, examining it as the ethnologist examines the myths of a 'primitive society', that these 'world outlooks' are largely imaginary, i.e.

of the Law of Culture: this discourse, the absolute precondition of any discourse, this discourse present at the top, i.e. A long series of profound texts, sometimes clear, sometimes obscure, often enigmatic and contradictory, problematic, and armed with concepts many of which seem to us at first sight to be out of date, inadequate for their content, or surpassed. 6. -- since from the beginning it is completely dominated by the constraint of the sexed human order that each mother engraves on the small human animal in maternal 'love' or hatred, starting from its alimentary rhythm and training. But the point of view of their contribution alone is still an abstract one. Now I observe the following. Or rather, it is merely useful to us in order the better to reveal what every at all serious analysis of any ideology will immediately and empirically show to every observer, however critical. This relationship is not one of identity but one of difference. I said (and this thesis only repeats famous propositions of historical materialism) that Marx conceived the structure of every society as constituted by 'levels' or 'instances' articulated by a specific determination: the infrastructure, or economic base (the 'unity' of the productive forces and the relations of production) and the superstructure, which itself contains two 'levels' or 'instances': the politico-legal (law and the State) and ideology (the different ideologies, religious, ethical, legal, political, etc.).      page 185 just as false. Because Hegel's criticism of Kant is a criticism of subjective idealism in the name of absolute idealism, which means that Hegel does not stop at a Theory of the Essence, but criticizes Kant in the name of a Theory of the Idea, whereas Lenin stops at what Hegel would call a Theory of the Essence. This is not the case today. I am Moses thy servant, speak and I shall listen!" Let me first clarify one important point: the State (and its existence in its apparatus) has no meaning except as a function of State power.

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